Written by      Saturday, 21 May 2016 19:00    PDF Print E-mail
Police and Prison Guard Groups Fight Marijuana Legalization in California

Roughly half of the money raised to oppose a ballot measure to legalize recreational marijuana in California is coming from police and prison guard groups, terrified that they might lose the revenue streams to which they have become so deeply addicted.

Drug war money has become a notable source of funding for law enforcement interests. Huge government grants and asset-seizure windfalls benefit police departments, while the constant supply of prisoners keeps the prison business booming.

Opposition to the marijuana legalization initiative, slated to go before voters in November, has been organized by John Lovell, a longtime Sacramento lobbyist for police chiefs and prison guard supervisors. Lovell’s Coalition for Responsible Drug Policies, a committee he created to defeat the pot initiative, raised $60,000 during the first three months of the year, according to a disclosure filed earlier this month.

The funds came from groups representing law enforcement, includingthe California Police Chiefs Association, the Riverside Sheriffs’ Association, the Los Angeles Police Protective League’s Issues PAC, and the California Correctional Supervisor’s Organization. Other donors include the California Teamsters union and the California Hospital Association, as well as Sam Action, an anti-marijuana advocacy group co-founded by former Rep. Patrick Kennedy, D-R.I., and former George W. Bush speechwriter David Frum.

Law enforcement officials in MinnesotaWashington, and other states that have debated relaxing the laws surrounding marijuana have said that they stand to lose money from reform. Police receive federal grants from the Justice Department to help fund drug enforcement efforts, including specific funding to focus on marijuana.

Asset forfeiture is another way law enforcement agencies have come to rely on marijuana as a funding source. Police departments, through a process known as asset forfeiture, seize cash and property associated with drug busts, including raids relating to marijuana. The proceeds from the seizures are often distributed to law enforcement agencies. From 2002 to 2012, California agencies reaped $181.4 million from marijuana-related asset seizures. As the Wall Street Journal reported in 2014, pot legalization in Washington state led asset forfeiture proceeds to" style="color: rgb(17, 85, 204); text-decoration: none; max-width: 100%;">go up in smoke.

Law enforcement lobbyists in Sacramento, including Lovell, have steered Justice Department grants into marijuana eradication. Last year, Lovell successfully worked to defeat measuresto reform asset forfeiture in California.

Prison guard unions have also played a part in defending lucrative drug war policies. In California, the prison guard union helped finance the “three strikes” ballot measure in 1994 that deeply increased the state prison population. In 2008, the California prison union provided funds to help defeat Proposition 5, a measure to create prison diversion programs for nonviolent offenders with drug problems.

For their part, the groups say they fear the dangers of legalized pot for non-selfish reasons.

“The membership of the CCSO opposes the full-blown legalization of marijuana,” Paul Curry, a lobbyist for the California Correctional Supervisor’s Association, told The Intercept. Curry said prison guard supervisors do not want to see a society that encourages pot use and said many of his members are grandparents who are concerned about their children. “If marijuana is not a dangerous drug, the federal government would have made a change, but the fact remains that it’s a federal crime,” he added.

California is only the latest state in which law enforcement unions have led the opposition to ending marijuana prohibition across the country in recent years. During the 2014 election, Florida law enforcement officials successfully campaigned against a medical marijuana ballot measure by arguing that the initiative would promote a range of problems, from teenage use of the drug to respiratory disease.

In 2010, Lovell successfully organized a campaign to defeat a similar marijuana legalization ballot measure in California. That year, he raised funds from police unions, local prosecutors, and the California Beer and Beverage Distributors Association, in addition to several individual donors. (Presumably the beer distributors see legal pot as cutting into their business.) The initiative was defeated, even though Lovell was outspent by pro-legalization campaigners.

This year may be different. Supporters of legalization have already raised more than $2.25 million for the campaign — 40 times what opponents have — and recently secured a number of high-profile endorsements, including Rep. Ted Lieu, D-Calif. and the California Medical Association. Polls show Californians are even more in support of legalization this time around, with around 60 percent of likely voters claiming they will back the measure.

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Written by The People’s Minister of Information JR    Monday, 09 May 2016 02:54    PDF Print E-mail
Patrick Xu of the Land Action 4 speaks on their case, human rights and squatter movements locally and internationally

The Land Action 4 are four people who were arrested after actively reclaiming neglected property. I was made aware of this case by my comrade, housing activist Tim Killings, who organizes around housing rights in Oakland. I conversed with one of the members of the Land Action 4, Patrick Xu, about their case, their beliefs, human rights and the history of reclaiming property internationally. Check out Patrick Xu in his own words, and support the dropping of charges for the Land Action 4.

M.O.I. JR: Can you talk a little bit about the non-profit that you work with, Land Action? What is the purpose of the organization?

Patrick Xu and friend, camping in Death Valley, use the survival skills they’ve learned by squatting – often without electricity and running water.

Patrick Xu and friend, camping in Death Valley, use the survival skills they’ve learned by squatting – often without electricity and running water.

Patrick Xu: Land Action was formed in 2011 in order to teach social and ecological justice activists how to occupy, improve and repurpose abandoned property, including houses and vacant lots.

M.O.I. JR: A crew of y’all, known as The Land Action 4, are facing seven criminal charges, three felonies, eight and a half years in prison and an $89,000 fine for what? What is the story behind this case?

Patrick Xu: My housemate and I were occupying a property well known to be abandoned, using the same methods and tactics that have been used hundreds of times before in Oakland. Initially we were occupying as property managers for the non-profit Land Action.

We had done our best to contact the owner and had received no reply. It was never our intention to deprive a lawful owner of their property, which is why we had tried our best to contact the owner of record. We were trying to invoke adverse possession in order to intercept an abandoned property before it went to tax auction.

Long story short, the owner of record turned up and discovered our occupation after we had been living there for three whole months – I parked my car in the driveway every day, my housemate and I made repairs to the exterior of the building, we came and went freely and talked to neighbors, several of whom had been frustrated by the owner of record’s absence and negligence. So I think the fact that we lived there openly for a quarter of a year before the owner even noticed demonstrates that the owner was significantly disengaged with the property.

At that point, the owner of record was instructed by police officers to file an unlawful detainer against us, which is a civil motion. But because her niece works in the Alameda County District Attorney’s Office, she was able to get the DA to intercede on her behalf and skip the established procedure which was in place for good reason.

After we had successfully negotiated with the DA and agreed to leave, the DA issued warrants for our arrest the day before I was scheduled to be out of the property, which indicates to me that they weren’t just interested in getting the lady her house back. But it seems the DA wasn’t just interested in helping out a friend of the office, so to speak.

Land Action was formed in 2011 in order to teach social and ecological justice activists how to occupy, improve and repurpose abandoned property, including houses and vacant lots.

They wanted to prosecute me and my housemate, and through us get to Steven DeCaprio, who is highly outspoken about his housing activism over the past decade, in order to shut him down and sink his organization, Land Action. They’re targeting him because he speaks openly about his activism, he has an audience, and he and his collaborators have been highly effective at opposing the giveaway of our public resources to profiteering developers, especially tax-abandoned property.

M.O.I. JR: Should housing be a human right? Why?

Patrick Xu: YES. Because in Oakland, for every person sleeping on the street, or in their car, or under a bridge, there are 6.2 vacant housing units, not for sale and not for rent. Nationally, the numbers are even worse: For every chronically homeless person in the U.S., there are 46.2 vacant housing units, not for sale and not for rent. So there is no such thing as a housing shortage. The real problem is a grossly skewed distribution of wealth.

The reason why all those houses are kept empty, and why homeless encampments are routinely razed, is to make an example of some proportion of the population. The ruling class keeps them desperate and poor and dispossessed in order to discipline the rest of us into accepting the conditions of wage labor, so that we will be grateful to spend our entire lives as renters.

In Oakland, for every person sleeping on the street, or in their car, or under a bridge, there are 6.2 vacant housing units, not for sale and not for rent. So there is no such thing as a housing shortage.

So homelessness is a problem that has been entirely created by the ruling class in order to extract labor from people. Homelessness is not natural; in fact it requires constant, active maintenance to keep people homeless. If no one showed up to sweep away homeless encampments, then all those people would stay put and live where they liked.

M.O.I. JR: Can you give the people a little history of squatter movements locally or around the world that have been successful in acquiring land and/or shelter?

Patrick Xu: Squatting has been and is still practiced all over the world. I hear that squatting and squatter communities are particularly strong in Europe. Some of the Bay Area’s most well known squats in recent years were Hellarity House, the RCA/Hot Mess and the Stay Away. Squatting has also been widely practiced in New York City.

My friend recently introduced me to a book called “Housing: an Anarchist Approach” by historian Colin Ward, and in it there is a thorough overview of the post-World War II squatters’ movement in Britain. The scale of that movement is pretty incredible.

One wave of squatting immediately following the war targeted unused army and air force camps, with 40,000 people occupying just over a thousand camps. By the mid-‘70s, when Ward published the book, he says: “The squatter’s movement has moved from being a protest to being one of the normal modes of tenure in London and many other cities …

“It is estimated that there are from 20,000 to 25,000 squatters in London and about 10,000 in the other British cities. There may be many more, since not everyone wants to advertise the fact that he is an unauthorized occupier.”

Squatting has been and is still practiced all over the world.

Another inspiring example is the Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem Terra (MST) in Brazil, which in English translates to “Landless Workers’ Movement.” According to their website, “The MST has won land titles for more than 350,000 families in 2,000 settlements as a result of MST actions, and 180,000 encamped families currently await government recognition.”

Because of Brazil’s colonial history and capitalist policies, land ownership in Brazil is concentrated into the hands of a few at the expense of the many. According to the MST website, in Brazil, just 3 percent of the population owns two thirds of all arable land. Incidentally, in the U.S., 1 percent of the population owns all arable land, according to the Census Bureau.

Due to political turmoil in Brazil, much of that land was remaining unproductive and unused, while there was a burgeoning population of dispossessed rural workers who were struggling to survive. The MST organized groups of settlers to occupy those lands and make them productive again based on the traditional village model, thereby providing a decent livelihood for the workers and also producing agricultural products for the entire society. Of course the government pushed back against the MST with bloody and brutal repression, but the sheer massiveness of the movement eventually forced the government to grant the movement official recognition.

M.O.I. JR: What do we want people to learn from this case?

Patrick Xu: The extreme wealth inequality we see today isn’t natural. It requires constant maintenance – by police repression, by the giveaway of our public resources to corporate interests, by legions of crooked lawyers.

Government on all levels routinely breaks the law in order to ensure the rich stay rich and the poor stay poor. While we are helpless to do much about corruption at the state and national levels, at least we can visit the offices of the people running local government.

Many of the concrete acts of class war play out on the local level, parcel by parcel, block by block. Stemming the tide of bullshit flooding our city is part of the revolutionary work we must do.

So let’s send local government a strong message: “We know what you’re up to. We are an intelligent and discerning public, and we can see that you have allied yourselves with capital interests over the public good. You need to pick the right side of this fight.”

M.O.I. JR: Where can people get more information?

Patrick Xu: Land Action is helping with the legal defense of three tax-abandoned vacant lots in West Oakland. Come to one of our garden parties, where you can learn more about this little known public resource and how to legally occupy and transform tax-abandoned property into low-cost housing and green space. Check out or the Land Action Facebook page to find out about our garden work days.

M.O.I. JR: How could people directly support you?

Patrick Xu: We really need people to attend our first hearing on Friday, May 20, 9 a.m., at the Rene C. Davidson Courthouse, Dept. 10, at 1225 Fallon St., Oakland, where our lawyers will present our motion to dismiss. We need to show the DA and the courts that the public is paying attention and intends to hold them accountable for the shady dealings underlying this case.

The People’s Minister of Information JR Valrey is associate editor of the Bay View, author of “Block Reportin’” and “Unfinished Business: Block Reportin’ 2” and filmmaker of “Operation Small Axe” and “Block Reportin’ 101,” available, along with many more interviews, at He can be reached

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Written by Dan Coughlin and Kim Ives    Wednesday, 04 May 2016 18:44    PDF Print E-mail
WikiLeaks Haiti: Let Them Live on $3 a Day

The US Embassy aided Levi’s, Hanes contractors in their fight against an increase in Haiti’s minimum wage.

Contractors for Fruit of the Loom, Hanes and Levi’s worked in close concert with the US Embassy when they aggressively moved to block a minimum wage increase for Haitian assembly zone workers, the lowest-paid in the hemisphere, according to secret State Department cables.


The factory owners told the Haitian Parliament that they were willing to give workers a 9-cents-per-hour pay increase to 31 cents per hour to make T-shirts, bras and underwear for US clothing giants like Dockers and Nautica.

But the factory owners refused to pay 62 cents per hour, or $5 per day, as a measure unanimously passed by the Haitian Parliament in June 2009 would have mandated. And they had the vigorous backing of the US Agency for International Development and the US Embassy when they took that stand.

To resolve the impasse between the factory owners and Parliament, the State Department urged quick intervention by then Haitian President René Préval.

“A more visible and active engagement by Préval may be critical to resolving the issue of the minimum wage and its protest ‘spin-off’—or risk the political environment spiraling out of control,” argued US Ambassador Janet Sanderson in a June 10, 2009, cable back to Washington.

Two months later Préval negotiated a deal with Parliament to create a two-tiered minimum wage increase—one for the textile industry at about $3 per day and one for all other industrial and commercial sectors at about $5 per day.

Still the US Embassy wasn’t pleased. A deputy chief of mission, David E. Lindwall, said the $5 per day minimum “did not take economic reality into account” but was a populist measure aimed at appealing to “the unemployed and underpaid masses.”

Haitian advocates of the minimum wage argued that it was necessary to keep pace with inflation and alleviate the rising cost of living. As it is, Haiti is the poorest country in the hemisphere and the World Food Program estimates that as many as 3.3 million people in Haiti, a third of the population, are food insecure. In April 2008 Haiti was rocked by the so-called Clorox food riots, named after hunger so painful that it felt like bleach in your stomach.

According to a 2008 Worker Rights Consortium study, a family of one working member and two dependents needed at least 550 Haitian gourdes, or $12.50, per day to meet normal living expenses.

The revelation of US support for low wages in Haiti’s assembly zones was in a trove of 1,918 cables made available to the Haitian weekly newspaper Haïti Liberté by the transparency group WikiLeaks. As part of a collaboration withHaïti LibertéThe Nation is publishing English-language articles based on those cables.

In an emailed statement, the State Department declined to comment on the disclosures in this article, citing a policy against commenting on documents that purport to contain classified information and stating that it “strongly condemns any illegal disclosure of such information.” However, the State Department spokesperson added in the email: “In Haiti, approximately 80 percent of the population is unemployed and 78 percent earns less than $1 per day”— actually, according to the UN Development Program, 78 percent of Haitians live on less than $2, not $1, a day—and “the US government is working with the government of Haiti and international partners to help create jobs, support economic growth, promote foreign direct investment that meets ILO labor standards in the apparel industry and invest in agriculture and beyond.”

For a twenty-month period between early February 2008 and October 2009, US Embassy officials closely monitored and reported on the minimum wage issue. The cables show that the Embassy fully understood the popularity of the measure.

The cables attest that the new wage even had support from a majority of Haitian private sector representatives “based on reports that wages in the Dominican Republic and Nicaragua (competitors in the garment industry) will increase also.”

Still the proposal engendered fierce opposition from Haiti’s tiny assembly zone elite, which Washington had long been supporting with direct financial aid and free trade deals.

In 2006 the US Congress passed the Haitian Hemispheric Opportunity through Partnership Encouragement (HOPE) bill, which gave Haitian assembly zone manufacturers preferential trade incentives. Two years later Congress passed an enhanced version of the duty-free trade bill called HOPE II. And USAID Haiti provided technical assistance and training programs to factories to help them expand and take advantage of HOPE II.

US Embassy cables claimed that those efforts were imperiled by parliamentary demands for a wage hike to keep pace with soaring inflation and high food prices. “[Textile] Industry representatives, led by the Association of Haitian Industry (ADIH), objected to the immediate HTG 130 (USD 3.25) per day wage increase in the assembly sector, saying it would devastate the industry and negatively impact the benefits of the Haitian Hemispheric through Opportunity Partnership Encouragement Act (HOPE II),” said a June 17, 2009, confidential cable from chargé d’affaires Thomas C. Tighe to Washington.

Tighe said that the “ADIH and USAID funded studies on the impact of near tripling of the minimum wage on the textile sector found that an HTG 200 Haitian gourde minimum wage would make the sector economically unviable and consequently force factories to shut down.”

Bolstered by the USAID study, the factory owners lobbied heavily against the increase, meeting with Préval on multiple occasions and with more than forty members of Parliament and political parties, according to the cables.

The Haiti cables also reveal how closely the US Embassy monitored widespread pro–minimum wage demonstrations and openly worried about the political impact of the minimum wage battle. UN troops were called in to quell student protests, sparking further demands from Haitians for the end of the 9,000-strong UN occupation.

As the Haitian Platform for Development Alternatives put it in a press release in June 2009, “Every time the minimum wage has been discussed, ADIH has cried wolf to scare the government against its passage: that raising minimum wage would mean the certain and immediate closure of industry in Haiti and the cause of a sudden loss of jobs. In every case, it was a lie."

Editor’s Note: We first posted this story on June 1, but at the request of Haïti Liberté, our partner in this series, we temporarily removed it until June 8. Some enterprising bloggers noted the “pulled scoop” and, pointing out that you “can’t stuff the news genie back in the bottle,” attempted to summarize it for their readers. Along the way, a few subtleties got lost—like that the factory owners at the center of this sordid story, who moved successfully to block the $5 per day minimum wage passed by the Haitian parliament, were making goods for big-name US retailers like Levi Strauss and Hanes. In keeping with the industry’s usual practice, the brand name US companies kept their own hands clean, letting their contractors do the work of making Haiti safe for the sweatshops from which they derive their profits—with help from US officials. We apologize for the delay in bringing the original article back online.

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Written by Amanda Girard    Wednesday, 04 May 2016 18:38    PDF Print E-mail
Michelle Alexander Just Responded to Bill Clinton

Prominent law professor, author, and civil rights activist Michelle Alexander isn’t buying Bill Clinton’s “almost” apology for his reaction to protesters yesterday.

On Thursday, the former President of the United States was heckled by Black Lives Matter activistsduring a campaign rally in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. The protesters were demonstrating against Clinton’s 1994 crime bill and his 1996 welfare cuts, which protesters said decimated the black community. Clinton responded by doubling down on his wife’s “superpredator” comments, telling the protesters they were defending murderers and drug dealers.

The next day, Clinton said he would “almost want to” apologize for his comments, stopping short of actually apologizing.

Ohio State University law professor Michelle Alexander, author of The New Jim Crow, took the former president to task in a scathing Facebook post on Friday, starting off by thanking Clinton for revealing his true colors.

“Thank you, Bill, for giving the nation a ten-minute tutorial on everything that was wrong (and apparently remains wrong) with the ‘New Democrats’ and their approach to racial politics,” Alexander wrote.

She then went on to talk about how Clinton’s strategy to win the White House was based on a racist appeal to white independent voters by convincing them that he could take even more of a hardline approach to crime than his Republican predecessors — something Clinton and his surrogates in the media argue was supported by the black community.

It is a gross distortion to suggest that black people wanted billions of dollars slashed from child welfare, housing and other public benefits in order to fund an unprecedented prison building boom. It was Bill Clinton’s deliberate political strategy — one he championed along with the “New Democrats” — to appeal to white swing voters by being tougher on struggling black communities than the Republicans had been, ramping up the drug war and gutting welfare.

She continued to excoriate Bill Clinton for driving a wedge between the protesters and Clinton supporter U.S. Rep. John Lewis (D-Ga.) by saying, “You can listen to [the protesters], or you can listen to Congressman John Lewis, the last remaining hero of the civil rights movement.”

Alexander pointed out that Rep. Lewis himself was a fierce opponent of Clinton’s endeavor to “reform welfare as we know it.”

That strategy of “getting tough” while at the same time eviscerating the federal social safety net was NOT supported by many of the black politicians he seeks to use as cover. Rep. John Lewis (who Clinton referred to yesterday as the “last remaining hero of the civil rights movement”) fiercely opposed welfare reform, accurately predicting that it would thrust more than a million more kids into severe poverty.

John Lewis said back then: “How can any person of faith, of conscience, vote for a bill that puts a million more kids into poverty? What does it profit a great nation to conquer the world, only to lose its soul?”

Alexander and Lewis are right. As the Huffington Post recently reported, up to 1 million people will soon lose their access to food stamps as a result of Clinton’s 1996 welfare cuts. The law includes provisions that cut food stamps after a certain period of time for unemployed welfare recipients with no dependents.

At the bill’s signing ceremony, Clinton himself even admitted the bill “fails to provide Food Stamp support to childless adults who want to work, but cannot find a job or are not given the opportunity to participate in a work program.”

“These totally unnecessary cuts would increase demand on the nation’s charitable food system at a time when food banks and other hunger-relief groups are stretched to meet sustained high need,” Feeding America CEO Diana Aviv said in a public statement.

At the end of her post, Michelle Alexander congratulated the protesters for “fighting for the soul of the Democratic party and American democracy itself.”

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Written by      Wednesday, 04 May 2016 18:35    PDF Print E-mail
New York City Jericho Movement

Tupac Shakur with his mother, Afeni Shakur, in an undated photo.

(CNN) Afeni Shakur Davis, the mother of one of hip-hop's most seminal and iconic figures, has died at age 69, the Marin County, California, sheriff's office said Tuesday.

Though she is best known as Tupac Shakur's mom, she was also a Black Panther as a young adult and an activist and philanthropist in her later years.
Deputies responded to a call reporting "a possible cardiac arrest" at her Sausalito home around 9:34 p.m. Monday, the Marin County Sheriff's Office said.

Shakur Davis was taken to the hospital where she died at 10:28 p.m., the office said.

"Sheriff's Coroners Office will lead investigation to determine exact cause & manner of Afeni Shakur's death," the office said in a tweet.

Information is still being gathered, and the sheriff's department will answer questions regarding her death later Tuesday morning, it said.

From drugs to arts

In a 2005 interview ahead of the opening of the now-shuttered Tupac Amaru Shakur Center for the Arts in Stone Mountain, Georgia, Shakur Davis recalled how her life was almost derailed by drugs and how her son got it back on track.

Her drug use made her so oblivious to what was happening in her life that when someone told her in 1990 that her son -- then on the precipice of becoming the biggest name in hip-hop -- was going to be on "The Arsenio Hall Show," she thought the person was lying, she said.

In the mid-1980s, she was homeless in New York City and "messing around with cocaine," she said. Despite the drug use, she was still coherent enough to realize that Tupac would become a product of the streets if she didn't make different choices.

"I was running around with militants, trying to be badder than I was, trying to stay up later than I should," she said in the 2005 interview.

She decided to enroll Tupac in the 127th Street Ensemble, a Harlem theater group, something she called "the best thing I could've done in my insanity." They later moved to Maryland, where she enrolled him in the Baltimore School for the Arts, and then to a small town outside Sausalito.

It was there that Tupac confronted her about her cocaine use.

"He asked me if I could handle it, and I said yeah because I'd been dipping and dabbing all my life," she said during the interview. "What pissed him off is that I lied to him."

'Pac told the local drug dealers not to sell to her, she said, and he told his mother to get clean or to forget about being involved in his life.

'Arts can save children'

She got clean in 1991, she said, and when her son was gunned down in Las Vegas in 1996, she resisted the urges to delve back into her old bad habits. She instead founded Amaru Entertainment to keep her son's music alive.

Later, she realized that her life -- mistake-ridden as it may have been -- might serve as a lesson to others.

"Arts can save children, no matter what's going on in their homes," she said. "I wasn't available to do the right things for my son. If not for the arts, my child would've been lost."

She provided the majority of the money to begin the $4 million first phase of the arts center, while her Tupac Amaru Shakur Foundation hosted poetry and theater camps for youngsters in the Atlanta area.

"I learned that I can't save the world, but I can help a child at a time," she said, pointing out that her new life of philanthropy wouldn't have been possible without the influence of her legendary son. "God created a miracle with his spirit. I'm all right with that."

And as much as she credited Tupac with inspiring her to help others, the tribulations she endured in raising him weren't lost on the multiplatinum artist. He regularly invoked her in his music, perhaps never as directly as in his chart-topping song, "Dear Mama."

In it, he rapped, "And even as a crack fiend, mama, you always was a black queen, mama/I finally understand, for a woman it ain't easy trying to raise a man/You always was committed, a poor single mother on welfare, tell me how you did it/There's no way I can pay you back, but the plan is to show you that I understand."

Shakur Davis is survived by daughter Sekyiwa Shakur.

CNN's Jeffrey Acevedo contributed to this report.
Our mailing address is:
New York City Jericho Movement
P.O. Box 670927
Bronx, NY 10467

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